Iran faces battlefield isolation as its 'Axis of Resistance' stays silent in fight with Israel
When Israel launched direct strikes on Iranian soil last week—hitting nuclear facilities, air defense systems, and senior military leadership—it marked a dramatic escalation in a long-brewing confrontation albeit a veiled one, between Tehran and Tel Aviv.
Iran retaliated with missile fire, striking cities across Israel, but fears of a broader regional eruption have not come to pass. Tehran's most loyal partners—Hezbollah in Lebanon, Iraqi militias, the Houthis in Yemen, and Hamas—have largely stayed out of the battlefield.
The “Axis of Resistance,” as Iran describes this web of allied non-state actors, was built over decades to deter and respond to aggression by Israel or the United States. But as The Wall Street Journal reports, the network has gone largely silent, preoccupied with its own losses, internal fractures, and a growing fear of Israeli airpower and intelligence reach.
Hezbollah: Once the spearhead, now on pause
Hezbollah, long considered Iran’s most powerful ally, has not launched any major retaliation against Israel since the conflict escalated. Israeli strikes over the past year have degraded its arsenal and infrastructure and killed its longtime leader, Hassan Nasrallah.
According to WSJ, Arab diplomats with knowledge of the group’s internal deliberations say Hezbollah is focused on regrouping and feels Tehran did little to protect it during its own conflict with Israel in 2024.
The group’s current leadership is said to be prioritising rebuilding capacity over entering a fresh war. Notably, its public appearances have emphasized Lebanese national identity over symbolic alignment with Tehran—suggesting a subtle recalibration.
Hamas: Decimated and leaderless
In Gaza, Hamas remains severely weakened. Nearly two years of Israeli bombardment have crippled its command structure and military capacity.
Many of its senior leaders have been killed, and much of the territory’s war infrastructure—tunnels, weapons facilities, and communications networks—has been destroyed.
While Hamas was the initiator of the October 7, 2023, attacks that set the region on edge, it has not been able to respond in any significant way since Israel’s strike on Iran. Its remaining leadership is largely in exile, and its ability to coordinate with Tehran appears limited.
Iraq’s Shiite militias: Calculating costs
Iraq's Iranian-backed militias, once a persistent threat to U.S. forces and a cornerstone of Tehran’s regional leverage, have shown remarkable restraint. Only one group—Kataeb Hezbollah—issued a threat, saying it would act only if the U.S. directly joins Israel’s attacks on Iran.
WSJ notes that many militia leaders are now embedded in Iraq’s political system and have substantial economic stakes, particularly in the oil sector. Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed al-Sudani is believed to be quietly urging restraint to preserve Iraq’s fragile stability.
The militias, some of whose leaders have become government contractors, are reportedly reluctant to disrupt a period of relative economic gain.
“They’ve been benefiting from Iraq’s stability and high oil prices to develop economic empires,” Renad Mansour of Chatham House told WSJ.
Houthis: Quiet after early strikes
Among Iran’s regional partners, the Houthis were among the first to react—firing missiles at Israel days after the conflict escalated. But their activity has since tapered off. U.S. and allied airstrikes in recent months damaged much of their missile infrastructure, and there are signs the group is treading carefully.
According to WSJ, the Houthis maintain close communication with Tehran but are primarily focused on their own strategic interests. Their leaders, analysts say, are unlikely to endanger their position in Yemen unless Iran is directly invaded or the U.S. becomes a full party to the conflict.
“It’s a Houthi-first policy,” said Elisabeth Kendall of the University of Cambridge, quoted by WSJ. “They’re not going to put their own necks on the line for the supreme leader.”
Syria: Tehran's foothold reduced
Syria, once a vital staging ground for Iran’s regional operations, has become less central.
After Israeli strikes killed senior Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) officers in Damascus late last year, Iran drew down some of its military presence.
The fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime to a rebel offensive in late 2024 further limited Tehran’s influence. The Axis did not mobilize in his defense.
The Axis of Resistance has long served as Tehran’s first line of deterrence and retaliation. Today, however, most of these groups appear constrained—militarily weakened, politically cautious, or economically invested in staying out.
Meanwhile, global powers have reacted with alarm to the escalation. Russia and China have called for de-escalation but offered no military backing to Tehran.
The United States, while warning Iran against further attacks, has placed forces in the region on high alert, raising the prospect of direct confrontation.
Iran retaliated with missile fire, striking cities across Israel, but fears of a broader regional eruption have not come to pass. Tehran's most loyal partners—Hezbollah in Lebanon, Iraqi militias, the Houthis in Yemen, and Hamas—have largely stayed out of the battlefield.
The “Axis of Resistance,” as Iran describes this web of allied non-state actors, was built over decades to deter and respond to aggression by Israel or the United States. But as The Wall Street Journal reports, the network has gone largely silent, preoccupied with its own losses, internal fractures, and a growing fear of Israeli airpower and intelligence reach.
Hezbollah: Once the spearhead, now on pause
Hezbollah, long considered Iran’s most powerful ally, has not launched any major retaliation against Israel since the conflict escalated. Israeli strikes over the past year have degraded its arsenal and infrastructure and killed its longtime leader, Hassan Nasrallah.
According to WSJ, Arab diplomats with knowledge of the group’s internal deliberations say Hezbollah is focused on regrouping and feels Tehran did little to protect it during its own conflict with Israel in 2024.
The group’s current leadership is said to be prioritising rebuilding capacity over entering a fresh war. Notably, its public appearances have emphasized Lebanese national identity over symbolic alignment with Tehran—suggesting a subtle recalibration.
Hamas: Decimated and leaderless
In Gaza, Hamas remains severely weakened. Nearly two years of Israeli bombardment have crippled its command structure and military capacity.
Many of its senior leaders have been killed, and much of the territory’s war infrastructure—tunnels, weapons facilities, and communications networks—has been destroyed.
While Hamas was the initiator of the October 7, 2023, attacks that set the region on edge, it has not been able to respond in any significant way since Israel’s strike on Iran. Its remaining leadership is largely in exile, and its ability to coordinate with Tehran appears limited.
Iraq’s Shiite militias: Calculating costs
Iraq's Iranian-backed militias, once a persistent threat to U.S. forces and a cornerstone of Tehran’s regional leverage, have shown remarkable restraint. Only one group—Kataeb Hezbollah—issued a threat, saying it would act only if the U.S. directly joins Israel’s attacks on Iran.
WSJ notes that many militia leaders are now embedded in Iraq’s political system and have substantial economic stakes, particularly in the oil sector. Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed al-Sudani is believed to be quietly urging restraint to preserve Iraq’s fragile stability.
The militias, some of whose leaders have become government contractors, are reportedly reluctant to disrupt a period of relative economic gain.
“They’ve been benefiting from Iraq’s stability and high oil prices to develop economic empires,” Renad Mansour of Chatham House told WSJ.
Houthis: Quiet after early strikes
Among Iran’s regional partners, the Houthis were among the first to react—firing missiles at Israel days after the conflict escalated. But their activity has since tapered off. U.S. and allied airstrikes in recent months damaged much of their missile infrastructure, and there are signs the group is treading carefully.
According to WSJ, the Houthis maintain close communication with Tehran but are primarily focused on their own strategic interests. Their leaders, analysts say, are unlikely to endanger their position in Yemen unless Iran is directly invaded or the U.S. becomes a full party to the conflict.
“It’s a Houthi-first policy,” said Elisabeth Kendall of the University of Cambridge, quoted by WSJ. “They’re not going to put their own necks on the line for the supreme leader.”
Syria: Tehran's foothold reduced
Syria, once a vital staging ground for Iran’s regional operations, has become less central.
After Israeli strikes killed senior Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) officers in Damascus late last year, Iran drew down some of its military presence.
The fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime to a rebel offensive in late 2024 further limited Tehran’s influence. The Axis did not mobilize in his defense.
The Axis of Resistance has long served as Tehran’s first line of deterrence and retaliation. Today, however, most of these groups appear constrained—militarily weakened, politically cautious, or economically invested in staying out.
Meanwhile, global powers have reacted with alarm to the escalation. Russia and China have called for de-escalation but offered no military backing to Tehran.
The United States, while warning Iran against further attacks, has placed forces in the region on high alert, raising the prospect of direct confrontation.
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